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Rather their positions were isolated and bombarded from distance. Where, however, the British assaulted Volunteer positions dominating the routes into the city, fighting was much more bloody. There they were drawn into street fighting, with its invisible snipers and sudden close range cross-fires, which negated their superiority in men and firepower. At Mount Street, on the approach to the city centre from the port at Kingstown now Dun Laoghaire , a Volunteer outpost manned by only 17 men , armed with rifles and hand guns, faced the frontal assault of a battalion of British troops. As it was they occupied the stately Clanwilliam House — commanding the crossing over the Grand Canal — and two houses on Northumberland road, an upper class, leafy, red-bricked neighbourhood. On April 26, they were faced by a British regiment, the Sherwood Foresters, just off the boat from a training depot in England, and so inexperienced that they had to be shown on the pier at Kingstown how to fire and reload their weapons [4]. On top of that, they had left behind their grenades and their Lewis machine guns had been lost in the crossing [5]. Ten soldiers were hit in the first attack. By the evening, the road was carpeted with dead and wounded British troops, many moaning in pain and trying feebly to drink from their water bottles.

Today in Irish History, April 26, 1916, The battle at Mount Street Bridge

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During the Pleistocene ice age, Ireland was extensively glaciated. Ice sheets more than metres thick scoured the landscape, pulverizing rock and bone, and eradicating all evidence of early human settlements. Something similar happened in Britain, where human remains predating the last glaciation have been uncovered only in the extreme south of the country, which largely escaped the advancing ice sheets.

The Midland General Glaciation covered about two thirds of the country with a drifting sheet of ice. It is highly unlikely that there were any humans in the country at this time, though the possibility cannot be discounted entirely.

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Publisher 13 August, Irish History Tom Reilly argues that Oliver Cromwell did not, as folk memory has it, slaughter the inhabitants of Drogheda in He could simply have strolled through any of the gates of the walled town any time that day and he would have been greeted with a barrage of deferential good morning sirs. On 11 July the town of Drogheda was captured by the royalists under Lord Inchiquin and wrested from the hands of Parliament, who had been in military occupation since the summer of It was parliamentarian soldiers who would later be accused of committing civilian atrocities at Drogheda, yet it was parliamentarian soldiers who had lived peaceably, side by side with these very same inhabitants for two long years beforehand, with no recorded evidence of discord between the military and civilian occupants whatsoever.

Cromwell, who would not have been aware of the royalist victory at Drogheda the previous day, left London for Ireland on 12 July to crush royalist resistance there. In Irish history it is much more difficult than in the story of most other countries to reverse traditional views, and although there have been many investigators of this period at first hand, few have concluded that Cromwell was not a war criminal.

Indeed, it is so well constructed that it is virtually indestructible. Even the most ardent Cromwell enthusiasts who have studied the period forensically have conceded that large-scale massacres of defenceless civilians occurred in September Drogheda and October Wexford

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See also The Castle in the Lordship of Ireland The moated site is an archaeological curiosity in some ways. Yet these sites, as former settlements, are still quite common in parts of the Irish landscape. Therein lies their curiosity: It is worth citing this piece in full in order to furnish a comprehensive description of this settlement type: The first, of which there are very few, is the very heavily fortified type … Hadden assigns this type to the first thirty years of the Norman occupation … the more common is the smaller, rectangular moated platform … [these] measure about by feet and are surrounded by a water-filled moat.

That they served a defensive function is obvious by the presence of a moat and the evidence that palisades existed on the interior. Yet some form of defensive architecture was the norm for settlements of the time in Ireland and the presence of the moat and palisade does not necessarily indicate any major attempt at defense. Their inhabitants must have comprised several strata of Norman society, ranging from the small landowners who were little more than free tenants, up to the seigniorial classes who could not afford to construct and maintain a stone castle.

He goes on further to state that the period of their construction in Britain was concurrent with the initial two decades of Norman occupation in Ireland — the time of construction of mottes in Ireland. Here then we have a very crucial point with regards their locations in Ireland. The greatest density of mottes lies … in the eastern half of the island … In other parts of the island mottes are conspicuous by their absence, and here the settlers may have constructed military ringworks.

The Norman colonists suffered a great defeat at Callan in as well as suffering reverses both in Longford and in Cork and Kerry. This was not a period of rapid conquest followed by the construction of mottes for instant consolidation.

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Tags ‘Sold to the highest bidder’ – how Ireland’s institutions allowed Americans to adopt Irish children in the s On average 10 Irish children the vast majority born outside of marriage per month were adopted by American citizens in the early-to-mid s. By Cianan Brennan Monday 9 Jan , 6: At that time, as many as 10 Irish children a month, the vast majority of them born outside marriage and as a result resident in Catholic institutions, were being adopted by Americans.

Some such children left these shores between and , with such records only being kept from the former date. This trend was far from secret, and indeed was openly derided in the British press.

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